Britain in the classical world: Samuel Lysons and the art of Roman Britain 1780-1820

The study shows how the eminent antiquary Samuel Lysons (1763-1819) used his publications of Romano-British remains, which were aimed at a British and Continental audience, to challenge the widely held view that Britain’s climate and national characteristics were incompatible with artistic excellence and that Britain was culturally inferior to its Continental neighbours, most notably France, in both past and present. In particular, it shows how he depicted villas and mosaics as some of the finest examples of British cultural achievement under Roman rule, in a period when Roman Britain was largely seen as a military province and cultural backwater, and when aristocratic tastes were predominantly cosmopolitan. He asserted a dramatic improvement from former barbarism and placed Britain firmly within a pan-European classical tradition. The publications also showcased British achievements in the recording of Roman remains and antiquities and in landscape painting, serving as an impressive statement of intellectual and artistic superiority. The study provides a more nuanced understanding of the ways in which ‘local’ antiquities and topographical painting were employed in the definition and assertion of national identities in this period, and in particular, shows that Samuel Lysons and his associates were at the heart of a social and intellectual elite, working collaboratively to an international agenda, celebrating Britain’s cultural leadership in Europe. Their efforts, most notably in the recording of Romano-British mosaics, have underpinned an exemplary tradition of mosaic scholarship in Britain, and merit far greater recognition.


Introduction
Aristocratic and antiquarian interest in the Mediterranenan classical past has been extensively researched in recent years. 1 This body of scholarship shows that Britain was in direct competition with its Continental neighbours in the acquisition of the remains of Mediterranean classical antiquity, and that there was a strong desire to be seen to live up to common European standards in collecting and connoisseurship against the backdrop of a shared classical heritage and growing nationalism in the wake of conflict in Europe; 2 in particular, there was a concern to challenge the widely held view that Britain was culturally inferior to its Continental neighbours, most notably France. 3 While a number of studies address the increasing importance of discoveries of Romano-British remains in relation to the construction of nationhood and empire-building, the significant number of impressive volumes on Romano-British art and antiquities produced in this period has not been fully scrutinised and explained; in particular, there has been no evaluation of the ways in which these discoveries were presented and disseminated to a British and Continental audience at a time when access to the Continent was severely restricted and international rivalry in the arts and sciences was intense. For the first time it was becoming clear that Britain had been part of the 'civilised' Roman world, and this provided new opportunities to challenge negative 1 For example , Coltman 2006;Haskell and Penny 1981;Haskell 1993;Dyson 1996;Ayers 1997;Emilia Masci 2007;Kurtz 2000;Hoock 2007;2010a and b;Scott 2003. 2 On travel restrictions due to the Napoleonic Wars (1796-1815) and the impact of this on archaeological interests, see for example, Hingley 2008, 249;Henig and Booth 2000, 213. See also Dyson 2006, 19 for a discussion of the wider context. On growing patriotism and national consciousness, see for example Colley 1992a, particularly 102-47;1992b;Newman 1987;Kidd 1996. On patriotism and the arts in Europe, Craske 1997, 89-144. On the representation of the past in nineteenth-century Britain and France, see Bann 1984. 3 For negative perceptions of British cultural achievements, see for example Dubos 1719, Le Blanc 1747; Montesquieu 1751; Winckelmann 1765. On negative perceptions of provincial Roman culture and antiquarianism, see for e.g. Essex 1774; Sweet 2004, 163-4. For Walpole's views, see for example Horace Walpole to William Cole, 1 Sept 1778 in Lewis (ed) 1981, ii, 116-17. On artistic achievements as a reflection of national character and civility, and Britain's perceived inability to compete, see Hoock 2003a, 5. On the appeal of French culture, see Newman 1997, 1-20;Eagles 1997. On archaeological and artistic rivalry with the French, see Hoock 2010a and b;2003a, 180-202. perceptions of Romano-British art and to assert Britain's place within a pan-European classical tradition. 4 These issues will be addressed through a critical examination of the publications of Samuel Lysons (1763Lysons ( -1819. Lysons was an eminent antiquarian who was recognised nationally as an authority on the remains of Roman Britain; his Woodchester (1797) and Reliquiae Britannico Romanae (1813-17) came to be ranked amongst the most sought-after publications of the day. 5 This paper will first explore the reasons why Lysons believed it was worthwhile to expend huge effort and expense on these projects, given the risk that the subject matter would not appeal to subscribers with predominantly cosmopolitan tastes. Second, the ways in which the discoveries were presented for a British and Continental audience will be examined and consideration given to how Lysons asserted Britain's place at the heart of a shared classical heritage and British antiquarians at the forefront of archaeological excavation and recording in Britain and Europe. Particular attention will be paid to Lysons' landscape paintings, which he used to directly challenge the notion that Britain's climate and national characteristics were incompatible with artistic excellence and cultural achievement. The impact of these publications on the development of priorities in the study of Romano-British art will be assessed and in particular Lysons' role in the emergence of an exemplary tradition of mosaic scholarship in Britain, and directions for further study will be identified. 4 On Romano-British remains in relation to the construction of nationhood and empire-building, see for example Hingley 2000;Sweet 2004, 155-88. For the importance of civil interpretations and their elaboration in this period, see Hingley 2008, 169-208. 5 See Fleming 1934 andSteer 1966 for selected correspondence and social networks. On his role in the Society of Antiquaries, Evans 1956, 231. On his life and achievements, Goodwin (revised by Frith) 2004; Morgan 1886, xxii;Haverfield 1924, 80-81;Henig 1995, 178;Johns 2001;Todd 1996, 100. significance of British antiquities which were undoubtedly influenced by the work of the Society of Antiquaries.
Woodchester (1797) and Reliquiae (1813-17), dedicated to King George III, describe and illustrate the remains of a number of villas and other sites and antiquities (FIGURE 1). 11 Lysons' archaeological activities attracted significant attention during the Napoleonic wars when access to the continent was severely restricted. 12 As stressed by Henig, his excavations of a number of substantial Romano-British villas appear to have enjoyed a similar cachet to those in Pompeii and Herculaneum, and afforded an opportunity to discover high-quality works of art when access to the sites of Italy was extremely difficult. 13 11 For an overview of discoveries in this period and their reception, see Hingley 2008, 169-208. On Lysons' excavations, see Henig 1995, 178;Todd 2004, 448-49;Hingley 2008, 247-54. 12 See Woodchester (1797) for a list of subscribers. That Lysons was highly esteemed by the royal family is shown by the fact that Queen Charlotte owned two portraits of Lysons, one by Reynolds and another by Joseph Planta; these are listed in a sale catalogue of 1819 in which Lysons appears amongst the ranks of nobility and celebrated military and political figures of the day (including Nelson, William Pitt and the Duke of Buccleugh) (Christie 1819, no. 30 under English portraits). 13 Henig 1995, 178-79. 14 Steer 1966 Beckford, the Woodchester volume is ranked amongst those 'esteemed some of the most Choice in the Library', alongside Piranesi's Vedute di Roma, Hamilton's vase publications, Montfaucon and Vetusta Monumenta. 15 Many members of the leading cultural institutions of the day owned a copy of at least one of Lysons' works, such as Henry Englefield. 16 Sir Joseph Farington's copy is now in the Library of Congress in Washington; Farington was an active and influential member of the Royal Academy and a close friend of Lysons. 17 The Woodchester and Reliquiae volumes were widely praised for their accuracy and beauty; in 1820 Burke described the works of Lysons as 'remarkable for the industry and accuracy of information with which they have been compiled', and this accuracy has been verified in the course of subsequent excavations. 18 His volumes include hand-tinted illustrations, some of which were drawn by artists and draughtsmen who were well known in Britain and further afield, including Sir Thomas Lawrence,19 Richard and Sir Robert Smirke, Charles and Thomas Stothard 20 and John Flaxman. 21 When Lysons was asked, in an examination relating to the Copyright Acts of 1818, whether the publication of larger collections such as the Reliquiae was of great national importance, he replied 'unquestionably'. 22 Given the circumstances his response is unsurprising. However, his genuine concern and commitment to the accurate recording, publication and preservation of the sites, and the effort and expense incurred in the process, support his commitment to this cause; 23 the quality, scale and beauty of the illustrations were seen as essential for attracting aristocratic 15 Phillips 1823. Giovanni Battista Piranesi's Vedute di Roma was a particularly desirable and influential work, shaping the eighteenth-century vision of ancient Rome (Scott 1993, 104). D'Hancarville's publications of Hamilton's vases were also highly sought after; the beautifully produced four volumes of Antiquités etrusques,grècques et romaines… were hugely influential in terms of contemporary taste (see for example, Jenkins and Sloan 1996;Scott 2003, 175;Brylowe 2008 subscribers with predominantly cosmopolitan tastes. Todd queries why the Woodchester volume includes text in French; the answer is that it was also aimed at a Continental market, and Continental sales were seen as important. 24 A concern with the promotion of publications on the Continent can be seen in a letter from John Hawkins to Daniel Lysons, after Samuel's death, in which he discusses the Bignor Guide: I shall beg leave to reserve for my own use about half a dozen copies one of which I wish to send to the celebrated Mr Böttiger of Dresden, who in the archaeological work he is about to publish, will have the opportunity of saying something upon the subject of the Reliquiae which will promote its sale abroad. I am now in correspondence with him. 25 The cost of producing the lavishly illustrated volumes and their price were similar to those of other leading publications of the day and they were elaborately and expensively bound. 26 They were published by Cadell and Davies, one of the most established and renowned firms of publishers and booksellers, who were responsible for producing many of the most impressive publications of the day; 27 for example, they published a number of impressive folio and quarto volumes on archaeology and antiquities, including D'Hancarville's publications of Hamilton's vases. 28 Because of the huge expense involved in production, publishers were highly selective regarding the volumes they chose to support. Mediterranean classical antiquities, botany, geology and volumes relating to overseas 24 Todd 2004. In the Woodchester volume the text is given first in English then in French and includes a separate title page for the French part: 'Description des antiquités romaines découvertes à Woodchester, dans le comté de Gloucester' (1797). See also Henig 1995, 178 andHingley 2008, 248. A copy of the volume was intended for Napoleon (Fleming 1934, 22); Reliquiae 1813, Advertisement, iii. 25 John Hawkins to Daniel Lysons, 18 November 1819, in Steer 1966

Lysons' predecessors: the national and international significance of Romano-British antiquities
In asserting the national and international significance of Romano-British antiquities Lysons was following in the footsteps of a number of eminent predecessors; Camden's Britannia (1586) was a hugely influential volume, which was first translated from Latin into English in 1610 and received considerable recognition in Britain and further afield. 37 Although it covered Britain's past from the earliest times to the Norman period, the main focus is the Roman period. Camden's work transformed topographical and historical study through fieldwork and through the scrutiny of a wide range of evidence, including original documents, linguistic evidence and artefacts, which were seen as important sources of information about past societies. 38 His aim was 'to restore Britain to its Antiquities and Antiquities to Britain', 39 although he focused primarily on England and Wales; as shown by Richardson, his writing made a 'decisive contribution to the "discovery of England" and to the emergence of a real sense of "Englishness" through the study of local historical foundations and achievements'. John Horsley's Britannia Romana (1733) was also influential to the end of the eighteenth century and beyond. 43 Horsley similarly believed in the national significance of Romano-British remains, and in the dedication to Sir Richard Ellys, he stresses the contemporary relevance of his project: 37 Herendeen 2004;Richardson 2004, 113. 38 Camden 1586, translated by Edmund Gibson 1695Herendeen 2004. 39 Preface, Camden 1586, translated by Edmund Gibson 1695. 40 Richardson 2004, 115. 41 Ayres 1997Sweet 2001, 185;Sweet 2004, 160. 42 Richardson 2004, 113. 43 Ayres 1997Sweet 2004, 162;Hingley 2008, 155. In the following account of the remains of Roman grandeur in our island, you will find some traces of that elegance of life, which you, sir, so happily enjoy. That you may long continue to shine in it; that God may long preserve you to do farther important services to religion, and to your country; and that in a degenerate and corrupt age you may long adorn, and protect the cause and interests of piety, liberty and virtue. 44 Horsley believed that it was essential to present all kinds of evidence, for example the sizes and shapes of stones and the scale of letters and figures, and criticized earlier works, such as Camden's Britannia, for their inaccuracy. 45 Horsley's work did not provide a coherent history of Roman Britain, but was an essential addition to the libraries of specialists and non-specialists alike, and formed a much-admired foundation for future scholarship. 46 Lysons' interest in topography, his belief in the national and international significance of Romano-British remains, and his appreciation of the importance of all forms of evidence as a source of information about life in the past, were certainly influenced by the work of Camden and Horsley.
They can be seen, for example, in his concern to record all forms of evidence, including many small finds, such as fragments of pottery and wall plaster; Lysons refers to both Camden and Horsley throughout his work and possessed copies of both volumes. His volumes are particularly admired, however, for their depictions of Romano-British art, most notably mosaics and sculpture. 47 While both Camden and Horsley discuss examples of Romano-British art, and Horsley devotes considerable attention to sculpture, their approach is descriptive rather than explanatory and there is little concern with aesthetic considerations. 48 44 Horsley 1733, Preface. 45 Horsley 1733; Levine 1991, 393;Hingley 2008, 155-6. 46 Levine 1991, 402;Ayres 1997, 104;Hingley 2008, 155. Samuel Lysons possessed a copy of Horsley's volume in his personal library (no. 855 in Evans 1820). 47 Morgan 1886, xxii;Haverfield 1924, 80-1;Henig 1995, 178;Johns 2001;Todd 1996, 100. 48 See for e.g. Horsley 1733, 327; Henig 1995, 178. 'Amidst the wilds of barbarism, a civilised nation': the discovery, collection and recording of Romano-British art If we accept a few altars, &c. which are so wretchedly executed, that they would a this time disgrace the hand of a common mason … it may indeed be doubted, whether those arts ever arrived to any degree of perfection in Britain while the Romans were masters of it. 50 However, throughout the course of the eighteenth century the discovery of increasing numbers of artefacts of non-military origin began to show that Roman Britain had been an established and civilised part of the Roman empire. 51 The most impressive of these artefacts were seen as worthy of serious attention on the part of collectors and connoisseurs; 52 for example, Humfrey Wanley, the librarian of Robert Harley, the earl of Oxford, attempted to acquire a number 49 In the early part of the eighteenth century Roman houses that came to light were often interpreted as the residences of military commanders (Yonge 1788, 193;Hingley 2008, 236). See Hingley 2008, 139-48 on William Roy. 50 Essex 1774, 87-8. 51 Pownall 1795, 2;Sweet 2004, 182; see also Hingley 2008, 157-237, 243. By the latter part of the century it was possible to identify a number of buildings with mosaics as examples of houses built by Roman settlers or by important native figures. For a detailed overview see Hingley 2008, 169-208 andNurse 2007. 52 For aristocratic interests in Roman Britain, see Ayres 1997, 84-114;Henig 1995, 176-85. of Roman altars from the collection of the antiquary John Warburton for the new library at Wimpole Hall, Cambridgeshire. 53 Mosaics also attracted significant attention: for example, the 4th earl of Cardigan transported a section of a mosaic discovered at Cotterstock (Northants) in about 1737 to his house at Deene Park, where it was inserted into the floor of a summerhouse. 54 Upex 2001, 62-3;Hingley 2008, 172. 55 Colt Hoare 1822Henig 1995, 178. 56  The helmet was beautifully drawn, probably by Thomas Underwood (1772-1835, who was commissioned by Townley in 1798, although it was Basire's drawings which were engraved and published. 62 These objects were desirable because of their classical form and beauty, and their publication in the prestigious Vetusta Monumenta, and the recognition of eminent collectors and connoisseurs, undoubtedly enhanced the status of Romano-British art.
The restrictions on Continental travel served to focus further attention on British classical sites and antiquities in this period. Numerous discoveries and rediscoveries of villas and mosaics from the 1780s onwards, some of which were extremely impressive in scale, provided an excellent opportunity to further assert Britain's place at the heart of a shared classical heritage. In particular, they were used to challenge the notions that Britain had been a military outpost and cultural backwater in the Roman period and that its climate and national character were incompatible with artistic achievement. 63

'Wild poets, coarse versifiers, and frigid colorists': International rivalry in the arts and sciences
Lysons was at the heart of an intellectual elite which genuinely believed that the encouragement and promotion of British intellectual and artistic achievement was an essential undertaking in the national interest. 64 In 1797 he was elected Fellow of the Royal Society, going on to become vice-president and treasurer in 1810. In 1798 he was elected director of the Society of Antiquaries, a post to which he was re-elected annually until he resigned in 1809; he became its vice-62 Vetusta Monumenta, IV, 1815, pl. ii;Lewis 2007, 114, figures 77 and 78;Henig 1995, 181, figure 107. 63 For example, in 1793, while working on a portfolio of Gloucestershire views, Lysons came to hear of the rediscovery of a mosaic pavement at Woodchester. The excavation of a vault 'for the interment of the late John Wade Esq. of Pud Hill' allowed him to ascertain the dimensions (48 ft. 10 in.) of an 'Atrium', and with the support of Banks he exploited the opportunity fully. Excavations began in 1793, took place again in the spring, autumn and winter of 1794, again in the autumn of 1795 through to the summer of 1796. Lysons 1797, plate vi;St Clair Baddeley 1926;Fleming 1934, 20;Hingley 2008, 247-50. Scott forthcoming 2013a. 64 Gascoigne 2004. president in 1812. He was an active member of the Royal Academy, and in 1818 was requested to accept the position of antiquary professor at the Academy with the support of the Prince Regent. 65 Sir Joseph Banks, a close friend and supporter of Lysons, was perhaps the most influential figure within these intellectual circles. As president of the Royal Society Banks was instrumental in institutionalising science within foreign policy and imperial administration, asserting Britain's place at the forefront of scientific endeavour and exploration. 66 The perceived national significance of this is encapsulated perfectly by Cook and King in 1785: Let us not therefore think so meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible that full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery, so steadily and so successfully carried on, since the accession of his Majesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as a splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to our national glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race. 67 The Royal Society, the Society of Antiquaries of London and the Royal Academy were all housed in Somerset House, one of the most impressive public buildings constructed in London in the latter part of the eighteenth century, in a dramatic assertion of British intellectual and cultural leadership. 68 As shown by Hoock, national institutions for the arts flourished in this period; the Royal Academy's annual entertainments were extravagant and highly symbolic, honouring the achievements of the Academy and the English School. 69 65 Graves 1906, V, 121; Scott forthcoming 2013a. 66 Gascoigne 1998;Hoock 2010, 16. On eighteenth-century patriotism and the development of national consciousness, see for example , Newman 1997;Colley 1992Colley , 1986Colley , 1984Kidd 1996. On science and national identity, see for example, Gascoigne 1998. On patriotism and rivalry in the arts, see for example, Craske 1997, Newman 1997, 111-13 and Hoock 2010a Cook and King 1785, lx. See also Gascoigne 1998;Mackay 1985. 68 Hoock 2003a, 37. 69 Hoock 2003a2003b, 41. At the Royal Academy's Annual Entertainment in April 1798 the list of those attending included 3 members of the royal family, 11 earls, 4 viscounts, 5 bishops, Sir Joseph Banks, Richard Lysons was also involved with other institutions established to support and promote the arts. For example, he is listed as a subscriber to the British Institution for Promoting the Fine Arts in the United Kingdom. 70 The patron of this organisation was the King, its vice-patron the prince of Wales, its president the earl of Dartmouth. Subscribers included dukes, bishops and other members of the clergy, and among those listed are Richard Payne Knight and Sir Richard Colt Hoare. 71 Lysons had paid a subscription of £52 and 10 shillings, which will have entitled him to life governorship. The Institution established a gallery where the works of British artists could be displayed and collectors could conspicuously demonstrate their wealth, taste and patriotism without actually needing to acquire any British art. 72 While many members of the Institution showed little genuine concern for British art, the cost of subscription was a considerable financial investment on Lysons' part and suggests a genuine commitment to its cause. 73 The intention behind investment in national institutions for the arts was to counter European claims that Britain lacked the necessary climate and national character for an artistic renaissance. 74 The notion that a link existed between climate, national character and artistic achievement had long been asserted: Montesquieu  It would be needless to use many arguments to prove, that there are countries, which have never produced any eminent painters or poets. Everybody knows, for instance, that we have never had from the extremities of the North but wild poets, coarse versifiers, and frigid colorists (sic). Painting and poetry have never approached the pole nearer than the latitude of Holland; and even in this province we have seen only a poor starved kind of painting … The difference of climates which shews itself sensibly in the plants, must extend itself likewise to the brain. 76 Similar views were proposed by Le Blanc. 77 The link between climate, national character and artistic achievement was lent further authority through the works of Winckelmann, who argued that national characteristics were shaped by 'heaven', which was seen as causative and constant: for example, the Greek sun resulted in greater exposure of the human body and hence allowed Greek artists to appreciate and reproduce its form better. 78 As noted by DaCosta Kaufmann, Winckelmann's status, the reception of his Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums, and the fact that he expressed these views at a key point in his book all served to enhance their authority. 79 The notion that Britain's achievements were limited by climate and national characteristics were countered by claims that the deficiencies were due instead to a lack of institutional support for native arts and could therefore be overcome: The obstructions that have hitherto lain in the way of our acquiring art, were not naturally connected with our climate, but arose from mere accident, the fluctuation of opinions, and 76 Dubos, 1748 Vol. II, 110-11, transl of those things that depend upon opinions, and consequently, that although these difficulties might lie before us at one time, they might possibly be removed at another. 80 The perceived national importance of British cultural achievement is clear from a speech given by the Prince Regent at the Royal Academy dinner in 1811, as described by Farington: When He saw so much which manifested the great improvement in Art He felt proud as an And high precedence hold in every art. 82 Flaxman proposed the erection of an imposing monument to Britannia near Greenwich Observatory, which would assert Britain's place at the heart of a new empire: It is also to be remembered that the port of the Metropolis is the great port of the whole kingdom; that the Kent Road is the ingress from London to Europe, Asia and Africa; and that, as Greenwich hill is the place from whence the longitude is taken, the monument would, like the first milestone of Rome, be the point from which the world would be measured. 83 However, there was not a straightforward shift from cosmopolitanism to nationalism; the Royal Academy's support for native arts took the form of a 'cosmopolitan patriotism' which celebrated and promoted British artistic achievements in terms of its conformity to shared European ideals and values. 84 Those who attended events at the Academy included aristocrats with predominantly cosmopolitan tastes, but also members of the intellectual elite, of which Lysons was a member, who were genuinely committed to supporting British art and artists and promoting their achievements in Britain and further afield. 85 As one among an intellectual elite who were instrumental in establishing and promoting national artistic and intellectual achievements in a period characterised by intense cultural rivalry, Lysons was genuinely concerned to record Romano-British remains accurately and present them to the widest possible audience. In particular, he was keen to generate funds for their preservation and 82 Hayley 1800, Epistle 1, 10-11, lines 138-47. 83 A Letter to the Committee for raising the Naval Pillar or Monument under the patronage of his Highness the Duke of Clarence, Dec. 1799. Reprinted in J. Physick 1969, Designs for British Sculpture 1680-1860Craske 1997, 258-9. 84 Hoock 2003a, 109. 85 Hoock 2003b, 46. publication, which he believed to be in the national interest. 86 While he benefited in many ways from his aristocratic connections, 87 this did not extend to financial support for the preservation and presentation of the sites; Lysons therefore needed to convince this audience that investment was worthwhile. In order to do so it was essential to overcome three aesthetic prejudices: that Roman art was inferior to Greek, 88 that British antiquities were inferior to their Continental equivalents, and that illustrations of them were rather dull as a result of an overriding concern with visual accuracy. 89 Lysons was also at the heart of an intellectual elite who were constantly striving to assert Britain's cultural leadership in Europe, with a view to challenging the widely held notion that Britain's climate and national character were incompatible with artistic excellence. The ways in which he asserted the importance of Romano-British sites and antiquities, and of British achievements in excavating, recording and preserving them, while also demonstrating the suitability of the British landscape and climate for the cultivation of artistic excellence, both in the past and present, will now be explored through an evaluation of his publications.

'With Grecian Sculpture's perfect sons to vie': Samuel Lysons and the art of Roman Britain
A key concern throughout the works of Lysons is to establish the merit and significance of British discoveries in relation to Roman remains found elsewhere. The title page of the first volume of 86 While the royal family visited his excavations, funding for the preservation of the sites was not forthcoming: 'I almost despair of any assistance from the Prince Regent towards the permanent conservation and exhibition of our Roman Villa' (John Hawkins to Samuel Lysons, 26 June 1812, in Steer 1966. Lysons produced engravings of the mosaics at Bignor with the intention of raising money through their sale to finance the construction of buildings over the remains. See for example, John Hawkins to Samuel Lysons, 2 November 1813, in Steer 1966. For the wider context, see Hoock (2007) on the British state and archaeology; Scott forthcoming 2013a. 87 Through the influence of Banks, Lysons became acquainted with the royal family and established a close relationship with Princess Elizabeth. In 1804 he was appointed Keeper of the Tower Records, in part due to his royal connections, and became responsible for royal letters, state papers and parliamentary documents. Lysons made a very significant impact on the organization and publication of the records, and the position came with a salary of £290 a year increased to £500 in 1809 (Bayley 1821, II, 259;Fleming 1934, 28). 88 Winckelmann 1765; 1767. Payne Knight 1809. 89 Smiles 2007, 124. Reliquiae includes two roundels with depictions of Roma and Britannia taken from coins, and it is clear that they should be seen as equal in status. 90  Lysons asserts the quantity, quality and scale of the British remains-in particular the 'Great Pavement' from Woodchester-which was also beautifully recorded in a series of plates (FIGURE 3); 94 he exhibited an engraving of this mosaic at the Royal Academy, at a time when visitor numbers were often in excess of 50,000 and the audience included ambassadors from many nations. 95 While accuracy was a particular concern of Lysons and his associates, 96 they were also talented artists, draughtsmen and engravers. Lawrence contributed drawings for two of the engravings for Woodchester, and Richard Smirke may have assisted with the drawing of the 'Great Pavement '. 97 Richard Smirke also assisted with the recording of mosaics at Withington and Bignor. 98 The quantity, scale and beauty of the plates is exceptional in the context of contemporary Romano-British scholarship, and equalled that of better-known publications on Greek and Roman antiquities. It is notable that Lysons and his associates did not generally 'repair' flaws, as was often the case with the recording of classical antiquities in this period (for example as d'Hancarville did with Hamilton's vases) and took great care to record smaller finds. 99 Where reconstruction was attempted, the state of the original was clearly shown. 100 95 Graves 1906, 121;Fleming 1934, 4. 96 For discussion of the growing concern with accuracy, see e.g. Lindley 2012; Nurse and Mordaunt Crook 2011;Smiles 2007;Smith 2002. William Fowler, a master builder from Lincolnshire, also came to be well known for his drawings of mosaics, although he did not possess the archaeological skills of Lysons (Fowler 1801-7;McConnell 2004;Sweet 2004, 184). A great rivalry developed between Lysons and Fowler, whose volume included twenty sets of engravings-most of Roman mosaics-including some copies of earlier drawings and engravings and a new version of the Stonesfield pavement. For rivalry, see Samuel Lysons to Joseph Banks (26 October 1797 in Fleming 1934, 26). See also Sweet 2004, 184. 96 Letter from John Hawkins to Samuel Lysons (29 May 1814), Steer 1966, 18. 97 St Claire Baddeley 1926Fleming 1934, 22. For further discussion see Henig 1995, 180;Todd 1996, 95;Hingley 2008: esp. 248. 98 Reliquiae 1817, II, i, plates XIX and XX . See also Cosh and Neal 2010, 203, pl. 213 Steer 1966, 26;Hawkins to Lysons, 3 Aug. 1816, in Steer 1966. 104 Haskell 1993, 131-44 on Montfaucon and Caylus. Lysons possessed copies of de Caylus 1752, no. 400, Montfaucon 1722, no. 1311and Winckelmann 1767, no. 1814in Evans 1820. For additional sources concerning classical sites and antiquities, see for example nos. 1333, 1554, 1556, 1558 in Evans 1820. 105 Lysons exploited the talent of the eminent chemist Humphry Davy, a fellow member of the Royal Society (Knight 2004). He carried out a scientific examination of the colours of wall paintings at Bignor (Reliquiae 1817, III, 3, note B; Davy 1817; Rees-Jones 1990, 93-101). The vibrancy of the colours used at Bignor, and the similarities noted between these pigments and those used in the baths of Titus in Rome and in the houses of Pompeii and Herculaneum, allowed Lysons to situate the British remains within a European classical context, clearly demonstrating that this part of Britain had reached a comparable degree of civilisation. irregular hexagonal compartments, within which are figures of dancing nymphs much in the style of those which appear in the Roman paintings discovered in Italy. 106 Through reference to Swiss discoveries, Lysons suggests that the same mosaicist, or artist, may have been at work in both Britain and Switzerland (FIGURE 4): 107 In the year 1708, a mosaic pavement was discovered at Avenches in Switzerland, the Aventicum Helvetiorus of Antonine's Itinerary, called by Tacitus Gentis Caput, which was patronized in a particular manner by the emperors Vespasian and Titus. Of this pavement a particular account was published by Mr. De Schmidt, Seigneur de Rossan, in his Recueil d'Antiquités de la Suisse, from which it appears so exactly to resemble the large pavement first discovered at Bignor that there seems good ground for conjecturing that they are the work of the same artist. On the other hand, Lysons also had to account for a number of apparent shortcomings in the remains. For example, he uses his knowledge of discoveries in Europe and his grounding in the 106 Lysons 1820, 10. 107 Schmidt 1771, no. 1519in Evans 1820. 108 Lysons 1820, 35. 109 Schmidt von Rossan 1771, preface;Evans 1820Evans , no. 1519 Classics to account for irregularities in the plan of the villa at Bignor; the British villa is not inferior because of these, as similar irregularities can be seen elsewhere, even close to Rome: In most of the remains of the Roman villas are similar deviations from regularity; and the same occur in the remains of a Roman villa discovered at Rielves in Spain, published in 1788 by Don Pedro Arnal. We need not be surprised that such instances should occur in so remote a province of the Roman empire as Britain, when Cicero, giving his brother Quintus an account of the progress of his villa near Rome, complains that the architect had neither placed the columns upright, nor in a straight line. 110 Where the execution of mosaics is deemed to be inferior to that of Continental examples, this is not attributed to a lack of skill on the part of the artist but to the materials used. It does not, therefore, detract from their significance: There are, nevertheless, few of the figures, that occur in these works, so marred by a stubborn process, as not to preserve evident traces of the graceful originals whence they were derived; and many forms and attitudes, long known and admired in gems, in paintings, and basso-relievos, may be easily recognised in the pavements of these British-Romano ( A key element within the assertion of British cultural and artistic achievements in this period was the growing support for a national school of painting. 116 Of particular relevance here is landscape painting, which had emerged as an important genre in the second half of the eighteenth modern criteria, are also unsurprising given the widely accepted view that the quality of art degenerated dramatically in the later empire as a result of moral decline and decadence. This notion underpins the work of Caylus and Gibbon (Gibbon 1826;Haskell 1993, 187). On Winckelmann, see for example Marchand 1996, 7-16;Scott 2006. Lysons' copy: Winckelmann 1767, no. 1814in Evans 1820. 113 Lysons 1797, 10, plates XXXVIII and XXXIX. 114 Lysons 1797, 10, footnote 24; Plate XXXVIII, figure 2. 115 Hayley 1800, Epistle 2, 34, lines 159-66. 116 See for e.g. Hoock 2003a. century, fuelled by the demands of a prosperous landed gentry, and which represented a growing sense of pride in regional and national identity while also emphasising links with a 'classical golden age '. 117 This interest in landscape painting was inspired by the work of Continental masters, most notably Salvator Rosa's dramatic depictions of wilderness, which came to be described as 'sublime', and Claude Le Lorrain's 'beautiful' landscapes. In the latter part of the century 'picturesque' scenes proved particularly appealing; a vogue for picturesque tours of Britain developed in part as a result of the restrictions placed on travel to the Continent. It was believed that such scenes should include variety and intricacy, and as such they were often characterized by contrasts of lighting. 118 The topographical tradition, which was concerned with the depiction or description of a particular locality, was also important: Joseph Farington, a close friend of Lysons, worked within this tradition, and the growing interest in geology contributed to the development of this approach, particularly in the first part of the nineteenth century. 119 By the second half of the eighteenth century British engravers and watercolourists started to attract international recognition: Sir Thomas Lawrence, also a close friend of Lysons, reported with pleasure that his tour of the Continent, painting leading military and political figures for the Prince Regent, had raised the 'Character of England'. 120 Lysons was passionate about etching, and regularly practised with Lawrence; the results of his endeavour can be seen in many of his publications, such as Views and Antiquities in the County of Gloucester (1791-4) and later in volumes of Magna Britannia (1808-22) and Woodchester (1797); around 300 watercolours of his are now in the British Library. 121 Whilst in London, he attended the lectures of Sir Joshua Reynolds, a leading advocate of British art, 122 and from 1785 he regularly 117 Klonk 1996, 9;Craske 1997, 114;Harman 2009, 103. 118 Price 1794Knight 1794;Klonk 1996, 9-11. 119 Klonk 1996, 73   The beauty of the surrounding country must … have been a considerable inducement to building here … The spot of ground which was occupied by this edifice is sufficiently high to command a very beautiful prospect, yet not so elevated as to be deprived of the shelter afforded by the surrounding hills. It may reasonably be supposed, that, at the time when the building was erected, the country was more wooded than it is at present; there is still however a considerable portion of beech wood near the summit of the hills, which much 123 Graves 1906, V, 121;Hoock 2003a, 47, 216-221. 124 Sills 2007Hoock 2010a, 213;see Hingley 2006 for the mapping of Roman Britain. 125 Evans 2007, 193;Steer 1966;Scott forthcoming. 126  Britain's climate was incompatible with cultural and artistic achievement. That this was to some extent an idealised landscape is evident from contemporary maps, which show that the Rodborough parish was in fact an industrial 'hotspot' in this period, a renowned centre for the production of fine cloth. Eighteenth-and nineteenth-century maps show numerous mills along the river Frome (FIGURE   9). In the river valley close to Woodchester ran an important route where the Fleece Inn was opened in 1783, built by Sir George Paul and other members of the local gentry, in order to provide a 127 Lysons 1797, 18. 128 See e.g. Daniell 1818. 129 George III and Queen Charlotte breakfasted at Hill House on their visit to the area in 1788. Sir George became a well-known advocate for the reform of prisons and asylums (Hyett 1929). For a description of this visit, see letter from Samuel Lysons to Sir Joseph Banks, 18 August 1788, in Fleming (1934, 15). 130 Harman 2009, 103;Hoock 2003a, 77;Smiles 2000. posting-house between Petty France and Gloucester; the inn was to become an important meetingplace for Gloucestershire clothiers. 131 The Bear Inn, situated above Hill House, was opened in 1751 next to the Stroud-Cirencester turnpike. 132 The landscape was therefore scattered with important roads, cloth mills, inns and farmsteads (for example at Achard's and Stringer's Court) and weavers' cottages (for example at Butter Row), as well as the houses of wealthy industrialists such as Hill House and Rodborough Folly, built by George Hawker (a wealthy mill owner) about 1764. The industrial nature of the landscape is not evident in Lysons' paintings, where the viewpoints are carefully chosen to highlight the most picturesque and culturally significant elements, with the evidence for industry hidden in the valley below. It cannot be said that the landscape was inaccurately portrayed; but it was certainly strategically depicted. The paintings support Lysons' assertion that 'There is no situation, in the south-west parts of this island, which could have been more advantageous for the residence of any of the Roman governors than this place '. 133 The views of Bignor are likewise carefully constructed (FIGURE 10), emphasising the scale of the remains and the beauty of the surrounding countryside; the estate of Bignor Park was owned by John Hawkins, the eminent traveller and geologist and close friend of Lysons. 134 The villa blends seamlessly into the landscape; the view across the beautifully appointed dining-room to the countryside is enhanced by the avenue of trees, with Lysons (if it is he) contemplating the mosaic as the villa owner himself might have done. The painting supports Lysons' opinion that 'from the extent and magnificence of the apartments which it contained, no reasonable doubt can be entertained that it was the villa of some person of consequence, if not a public work, intended for the residence of the Propraetor, or the legate of governor of the province', 135 or possibly for the eminent local leader, Cogidubnus. 136 In general, Lysons assumes that villas were built by or for Romans from overseas, which is perhaps unsurprising given the dominant view that Britain was a military outpost; 131 Herbert et al. 1976. 132 Herbert et al. 1976. 133 Lysons 1797, 19. 134 Steer 1966Torrens 2004. 135 Lysons 1820, 33. 136 Lysons 1817Hingley 2008, 255. the notion that the Bignor villa may have been built by or for a Briton is unusual in this period and directly challenges the dominant perception of Britain as a cultural backwater, suggesting in contrast a dramatic improvement from earlier barbarism. This image of Romans as civilizers is encapsulated in Addison's tragic play Cato (1713), which stressed that their 'genius [was] an atonement for their sword'. Britain might avoid the dangers of imperialism and despotism, which were seen as characteristic of Napoleon's attempts to establish Paris as a new Rome, through reflection on violence, corruption and moral decay, as emphasized by Cowper in his contemporary poem Boadicea: An Ode (1782). 137 The achievements of Britons under Roman rule are similarly emphasised by Barnard, who argues that: The conquest of the aspiring Romans laid the foundation, on which was gradually raised the glory of the Britons. From hence sprung, amidst the wilds of barbarism, a civilized nation … wherin the arts and sciences have obtained their zenith of perfection. 138 Lysons' volumes convey an impression of this harmonious and civilized environment which allowed the arts to flourish, and this is nowhere more evident than in his reconstruction of the temple at Bath, based on the drawings of Robert Smirke junior (architect of the British Museum) (FIGURE 11). 139 The scene is populated with figures dressed in togas, socialising in the foreground; the sunlit classical faҫade stands out dramatically against the hills behind. The figures simultaneously emphasise the scale and grandeur of the buildings while implying continuity with the classical past, challenging earlier perceptions and conveying that Bath had been a beautiful and refined social and 137 See Weinbrot 1993, 26-7. Cowper, W. 1980Hingley and Unwin 2005, 150-3;Hingley 2008, 227. See also Hume (1763, who argued that Ireland's poor state resulted from the lack of a Roman invasion which would have brought order and civilization (see Weinbrot 1993, 27). 138 1790, 12. 139 Lysons 1813, I, ii. cultural hub in the Roman period as it was in the eighteenth century. 140 The importance of the site within the Roman period is further demonstrated by the accompanying quotation, carefully selected from Gaius Julius Solinus (3 rd century AD), who in chapter 22 of his Polyhistor describes the temple of Minerva at Bath: 'In this space (are) many great rivers, hot springs elaborated with opulent furnishings for the purposes of mortals '. 141 The fact that the importance of the temple was celebrated in antiquity lends further weight to Lysons' assertion that they equalled or surpassed those found elsewhere, placing Britain firmly at the heart of a shared classical heritage and directly challenging the notion that Britain's climate and character were incompatible with artistic and cultural achievement. 142

Conclusion: Lysons and his legacy
As part of an intellectual elite genuinely concerned with developing and promoting British artistic and scientific achievements in a period of intense cultural rivalry, Lysons and his associates were keen to stimulate wider interest in their discoveries, to record remains accurately and to preserve them for the nation. His virtuosic display of erudite knowledge and artistic prowess can be seen as a statement of British cultural achievement both in the past and present. The careful use of comparative material showed that Britain had been a thoroughly civilised part of the Roman empire, sharing Continental artistic traditions and sometimes even artists, whose achievements rivalled those of their Continental counterparts and were limited only by the quality of materials to hand; even in cases where the quality of workmanship was less than impressive, it was possible to see the 140 Sweet 2004, 185 on negative perceptions of discoveries at Bath. This appears to be the first reconstruction of life under Roman rule based on excavated remains. 141 'We learn that at the time when Solinus wrote, which is supposed to have been in the decline of the Roman empire, the hot springs in Britain (whereby unquestionably were intended those of Bath) were decorated with sumptuous buildings, for the benefit of mankind; that Minerva presided over these springs; that she had a temple near them, in which a perpetual fire was kept up; and that the fuel for the supply of this fire did not burn to a white ash, but, where the fire became extinct, was turned into stony balls; intimating no doubt the use of pit coal, the cinders of which must be meant by the stony balls, unlike the white ash produced by wood' (Lysons 1813, I, ii, 3, footnote f). 142 The temple form is compared to remains found at Maison Quaree at Nimes and the arch of the Castell Vecchion at Verona (Reliquiae 1813, I, ii, 4). 'graceful originals whence they were derived'. 143 Landscape paintings, made at strategic viewpoints, dramatically emphasised continuity with this classical past.
While Lysons struggled to generate financial investment in the preservation and display of the discoveries, he was successful in attracting subscribers; he was a celebrated figure within intellectual and aristocratic circles, and his volumes came to be displayed alongside sumptuous volumes on classical antiquities, asserting Britain's place within a pan-European classical tradition. 144 The need to assert British achievements in the excavation and publication of classical antiquities was particularly pressing in the period when travel to the Continent, and hence the collection of Mediterranean classical antiquities, was difficult, and when Napoleon was asserting his authority through the conspicuous acquisition and display of impressive examples of these. 145 However, Lysons' interest in the preservation and recording of antiquities can also be seen as part of a wider aspiration, that of demonstrating Britain's cultural and moral superiority in the face of French bravura display and Napoleon's indiscriminate looting of Italian art and antiquities. His volumes showed that Britain had no need to appropriate antiquities from Italy, and that art objects were best appreciated and understood in their original contexts. 146 Lysons did indeed hope that his Woodchester volume, a copy of which was sent to Napoleon, would promote similar scholarship in France; Francois Artaud published equally sumptuous volumes on the antiquities of Lyon, 147 possibly inspired by Lysons' work and sent to the Englishman. 148 It would be interesting to explore the reception and impact of Lysons' books in France through an evaluation of library collections and contemporary scholarship, as this would provide further insights into the nature of intellectual 143 Reliquiae 1813, I, I, advertisement. 144 Aristocratic subscribers may also have benefited from an association with British talent and cultural achievement at a time when their lifestyles were being criticised in many circles as cosmopolitan, degenerate and superficial. See for e.g. Colley 1992, 169;Newman 1997;Hoock 2010a, 216. 145 See Diaz-Andreu 2007Gran-Aymerich 1998, 40. 146 Ramage 1992, 661;Hoock 2010, 207. The antiquarian Quatremère de Quincy (1755-1849) was critical of Napoleon's approach, and argued that art objects could not be fully appreciated unless they were in their original context (Gran-Aymerich 1998, 40). 147 Artaud 1806. 148 Only 20 copies of Artaud's work were produced; see for e.g. copy sold at auction, by Christie's in 2009, as part of a sale of Valuable Printed Books and Manuscripts, Including Fine Plate books from an Historic Continental Library (sale 7725, lot 193); for copies in Lysons' library see Evans 1820, no., 196. networks, international rivalry, and the ways in which cultural superiority was asserted and challenged through the excavation and publication of 'local' antiquities at a key period in the history of both archaeology and nationalism. 149 Lysons assembled a collection of material from the villas at Woodchester, Bignor, Withington and Frampton, and presented it to the British Museum in 1808, 1810, 1811 and 1816 in the hope that it would be displayed in a dedicated gallery. 150 His aspirations were not to achieve fruition until the mid-nineteenth century; 151 rivalry with other European nations intensified and the Museum's interests were focused on the acquisition of classical antiquities on a grander scale, most notably Greek architectural sculpture but increasingly also the more exotic objects emanating from Egypt and the Near East. 152 Romano-British art was often seen as a poor imitation of the art of Rome, which itself was increasingly viewed in an unfavourable light as the taste for Greek sculpture came to dominate. 153 However, Lysons' publications did serve as a model for subsequent scholarship, most notably in the excavation and recording of villas and mosaics in Britain. 154 They were also utilized in the assertion of regional identities; the Roman past was increasingly employed by local elites in order to enhance their prestige and maintain traditional social structures. 155 For example, his role in demonstrating both the local and international significance of the remains of  Jenkins 1992, 56-74;Whitehead 2009. For an overview of Classical archaeology in this period, see Dyson 2006. 153 See Henig 1995, 180-189 for an evaluation of attitudes to Romano-British art. See also 2006. 154 See for example, Hakewill 1826 at North Leigh, Oxon and Artis 1828 on Roman remains in Northamptonshire and Leicestershire. 155 On antiquarian societies and the importance of local pride and patriotism and the rise of professionalism see Hoselitz 2007, 52-80 andLevine 1986, 7-39. [these] have been illustrated most fully by a very eminent antiquary of the present age, whom we may claim as belonging to Bath, as many of his early years were spent here … I mean the late Mr Samuel Lysons, who projected, and in part accomplished, one of the most magnificent works to be found in the literature of any nation … There is a boldness of design about Reliquiae Romanae which excites the utmost respect and admiration; a carelessness of expense; a devotedness of heart to a project worthy of a great mind to entertain; and a taste and felicity in the execution, which mark the native and the cultivated elegance of his mind … it also stands to the honour of Bath; for it is to Bath, which has treasured up so many of the remains of its former magnificence, that the world owes the conception of the grand design. 156 Mosaics in particular continued to attract significant attention; they were 'classical', they often survived intact, and many impressive examples were dramatically uncovered in the nineteenth century. Lysons' publications, most notably his illustrations, were frequently employed in the elevation of their status to that of works of art worthy of study in their own right, and their excavation and study was often funded by those who had something to gain from the association; for example, in discussing the remains of Corinium (Cirencester, Gloucestershire), Buckman and Newmarch draw on the work of Lysons in order to demonstrate the achievements and refinements of earlier inhabitants: The internal arrangements and decorations ever betokened the presidency of a spirit of elegance and refinement; and in no place in which it has been our lot to investigate the evidences of this are the proofs more convincing of the combination of comfort with good 156  taste, of luxury with refinement, than is afforded by an examination of the internal ornamentation, which even yet remains to us of the Roman inhabitants of Corinium. 157 The mosaics were appropriated by the influential local landowner Lord Bathurst, who exhibited far less interest in funding the recording or preservation of less dramatic discoveries. As in Lysons' time, the mosaic pavements were attractive because they represented links with a period of wealth and grandeur; they suited Bathurst's cosmopolitan tastes, enhancing his status within the town and further afield. 158 The publications of Charles Roach Smith, which include excellent illustrations of mosaics, represent some of the finest scholarship on Roman Britain in the mid-nineteenth century; like Lysons, he took care to record all forms of evidence meticulously, and shared the conviction that the discoveries were of national significance and should be preserved. 159 However, his painstaking approach, and his appreciation of the significance of all forms of evidence, were not characteristic of this period; for example, Morgan's 1886 volume was 'specially dedicated to the description of Romano-British mosaic pavements', 160 and like Buckman and Newmarch he refers to the scholarship of Lysons in order to assert their aesthetic qualities, but he is less than enthusiastic about their pagan subject matter, and the quality of the illustrations and the standard of scholarship is far less impressive than those of Lysons or Roach Smith. 161 Negative perceptions of Romano-British art dominated scholarship in the first half of the twentieth century; for example, Haverfield saw the adoption of Roman forms in Britain as an 157 Buckman and Newmarch 1850, 25. The volume is dedicated to Lord Bathurst, and subscribers included the Prince Consort and the Archbishop of York. Like Lysons, they compared the remains to those found in Italy and elsewhere in order to demonstrate their artistic worth and hence the level of civilisation reached in the Roman period, although the standard of their scholarship is far less impressive (Buckman and Newmarch 1858, 46). See Henig 1995, 185-86 for an evaluation of their scholarship. On archaeological discoveries at Cirencester (Corinium) see Hoselitz 2007, 95-108. 158 Hoselitz 2007, 108. See Henig 1995 See Henig 1995, 185-6 for an overview of his achievements in recording Romano-British art. 160 Morgan 1886. This volume includes a review of subject matter, an overview of scholarship and a description of discoveries by region. See Henig 1995, 187 for the broader context of his work and an evaluation of its significance. 161 Morgan 1886, 277. See also Henig 1995, 186 andHingley 2008, 307-8

on continuity between Roman and
Saxon periods, and on his low opinion of pagan subject-matter. inevitable but somewhat uninspiring consequence of Romanisation (1915, 48). 162 It was not until the 1960s that the importance of all forms of Romano-British art was acknowledged; an exhibition of the art of Roman Britain held in Goldsmiths' Hall in London in July 1961 brought together a wide variety of Romano-British art for the first time. In the catalogue of the exhibition Jocelyn Toynbee enthuses about the overall impression created, which was 'that of an immensely rich intermingling in Britain of aesthetic tastes and standards, of patrons of very diverse types, and of subjects of widely differing kinds depicted in both native and imported works of art'; 163 for example, the Aldborough Wolf and Twins mosaic, which is seen as 'almost comic in its extreme naivety', is depicted alongside the Woodchester Great Pavement, emphasizing this diversity. 164 Since that time, interest in all forms of Romano-British art has developed, although the notion that art was somewhat peripheral to the more important mechanics of empire has often resulted in the neglect of such forms within general discussions. 165 Roman Britain also remains at the margins of classical art scholarship. 166 However, mosaics have continued to attract particular attention; an exemplary tradition of scholarship has developed over the past fifty years, 167 and Lysons' work remains influential. 168 The beautiful illustrations in the recent corpus of Romano-British mosaics are evocative of his publications, and the volumes include many examples of his engravings.
The fourth century in particular is now seen as a 'Golden Age' in Roman Britain; as in Lysons' time, it 162 See Henig 1995, 186-9 and for overviews of attitudes to Romano-British art in this period. On Haverfield and Romanisation, see Hingley 2008, 321-5;Freeman 2007. 163 Toynbee 1962, 1. 164 Toynbee 1962, nos 184 and 186. Despite the immense importance of this work, provincial art was still seen as a poor imitation of traditional Classical forms, demonstrating a lack of skill or understanding on the part of the artist or patron. In two volumes that appeared at this time Toynbee defined three basic categories of finds: high-quality art, imported from the Mediterranean area; high-quality provincial art, usually attributed to Gaulish artists; and low-quality art, usually produced by British craftsmen. 165 See Scott 2003 for an overview. The subject has often been overlooked in general volumes on Roman Britain; for example, in Wacher's Roman Britain (1978) there is virtually no mention of art, and in Salway's (1984)  is argued that artistic accomplishments rivalled those on the Continent and should be valued as highly as these, although distinctively 'British' characteristics are now celebrated. 169 It is essential that we reflect on how and why we continue to prioritise and evaluate mosaics and other 'classical' forms if we are to promote the study of other types of visual culture, and in particular the relationships between them. 170 In moving beyond the identification of certain forms of material culture as more or less Roman, it is possible to explore complex patterns of similarity and difference. 171 There is also huge scope for understanding better the ways in which 'local' antiquities were employed in the negotiation of national identities in Britain and Continental Europe in the more recent past; as argued by Diaz-Andreu, the majority of scholarship on nationalism in the nineteenth century has focused on the latter part of the century since the term was little used before this period. 172 It is important, however, to explore the close relationship between archaeology and the emergence of nationalism at this formative period in the history of the discipline. The potential of such an approach is clear: the achievements of Samuel Lysons and his associates are scarcely known outside of the field of Romano-British archaeology, yet close scrutiny of their work, and its wider context, shows that they were working collaboratively to an international agenda, and that their efforts were supported and celebrated by their contemporaries. The study of Romano-British archaeology is of equal importance to the study of Mediterranean classical antiquities in every respect. 169 Henig 1995, 138-73 asserts the variety and quality of artistic achievement in fourth-century Britain, challenging negative perceptions of Romano-British art and the notion that the quality of art declined in the later empire. 170 On the importance of 'art' in the context of colonial encounters, see for example Thomas and Losche 1999. On the importance of reflecting on the classification of objects as art, see for example Vogel 1988. On provincialism, see Stewart 2010. 171 See for example, Hill 2001Mattingly 1997;Roth and Keller 2007;van Dommelen and Terrenato 2007;Revell 2009 on local responses to Roman imperialism. On the importance of deconstructing the term Roman, see Revell 2009, x. 172 Diaz-Andreu 2007